The condemnable attitude taken by the Venezuelan government of expelling Human Rights Watch (HRW) observers is no more than a clear reflex of the rough and repressive political strategy followed by President Chávez. HRW is a respectable NGO, which work is largely recognized by the international community as extremely positive and useful to the vigilance and defense of human rights across the globe. HRW is one of the most trustful NGO’s, and its reports and suggestions are often considered by official international organizations and governments, when decisions concerning human rights affecting a specific country are to be taken.
Given this, it is hard making a blind eye to the anti-liberal policies Mr. Chávez has been promoting since he came into office a decade ago. Political harassment have imprisoned the basic structures of the Venezuelan civil society, especially after the 2002 failed «coup d’état». Ever since the coup, Mr. Chávez and his counterparts have been justifying their unclear governance and radical political choices with the necessity of keeping a strong state, taking advantage of the 2002 event to diminish and persecute his opponents.
The expulsion of the HRW delegation is only a tiny example of the government’s disrespect for the principles of individual freedom, separation of powers and the rule of law. Some of the measures taken by Mr. Chávez are an unequivocal signal of his real long term intentions, mainly to extend his personal influence both to the public and private spheres of the country. First of all, Mr. Chávez has put his efforts on the approval of a new leftist Constitution, paving the way for more presidential power. However, the supposed “supreme law” of the country has proven to be easily handled by the presidency, and nothing or no one – even the Supreme Court – are able to stop this grotesque juxtaposition of powers.
Oil-rich Venezuela has sought, under Mr. Chávez’s presidency, to undermine the climate of stability and mutual understanding of the international community. He is using his country’s natural resources as a political weapon, pretty much alike his Russian homologous. It is widely recognized that Mr. Chávez stands his inflammatory rhetoric on the current high prices of oil and on the dependence of his importers. However, as recently noted by The Economist, Venezuela and its closest strategic partners “overlooked (…) a plunge in oil prices, and hence their own revenues.” Moreover, his economical policy is all but transparent, in which the forced nationalization of banks is only the most visible side.
It wouldn’t be unwise to affirm that Venezuela may have chosen the wrong path in becoming a centralized and undemocratic state, because as the future will certainly prove, the rule of law cannot be replaced by high oil revenues or by the arrogance of Mr. Chávez, who speaks as if he hadn’t a gagged opposition inside borders. ONG’s like HRW may have a very important role in denunciating these practices; and, at the same time, they might be able to act as an external voice for Venezuelan and other countries' imprisoned oppositions. HRW and other watchdogs like these must stand firm against disrespectful governments, promoting democracy and good governance wherever possible.
Given this, it is hard making a blind eye to the anti-liberal policies Mr. Chávez has been promoting since he came into office a decade ago. Political harassment have imprisoned the basic structures of the Venezuelan civil society, especially after the 2002 failed «coup d’état». Ever since the coup, Mr. Chávez and his counterparts have been justifying their unclear governance and radical political choices with the necessity of keeping a strong state, taking advantage of the 2002 event to diminish and persecute his opponents.
The expulsion of the HRW delegation is only a tiny example of the government’s disrespect for the principles of individual freedom, separation of powers and the rule of law. Some of the measures taken by Mr. Chávez are an unequivocal signal of his real long term intentions, mainly to extend his personal influence both to the public and private spheres of the country. First of all, Mr. Chávez has put his efforts on the approval of a new leftist Constitution, paving the way for more presidential power. However, the supposed “supreme law” of the country has proven to be easily handled by the presidency, and nothing or no one – even the Supreme Court – are able to stop this grotesque juxtaposition of powers.
Oil-rich Venezuela has sought, under Mr. Chávez’s presidency, to undermine the climate of stability and mutual understanding of the international community. He is using his country’s natural resources as a political weapon, pretty much alike his Russian homologous. It is widely recognized that Mr. Chávez stands his inflammatory rhetoric on the current high prices of oil and on the dependence of his importers. However, as recently noted by The Economist, Venezuela and its closest strategic partners “overlooked (…) a plunge in oil prices, and hence their own revenues.” Moreover, his economical policy is all but transparent, in which the forced nationalization of banks is only the most visible side.
It wouldn’t be unwise to affirm that Venezuela may have chosen the wrong path in becoming a centralized and undemocratic state, because as the future will certainly prove, the rule of law cannot be replaced by high oil revenues or by the arrogance of Mr. Chávez, who speaks as if he hadn’t a gagged opposition inside borders. ONG’s like HRW may have a very important role in denunciating these practices; and, at the same time, they might be able to act as an external voice for Venezuelan and other countries' imprisoned oppositions. HRW and other watchdogs like these must stand firm against disrespectful governments, promoting democracy and good governance wherever possible.
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